Vitalii Zakharchuk, UN Ukraine RCO Senior National PSEA Coordinator, spoke about how isolation turns people into targets for abusers, why transparency from organizations like Doctors Without Borders (MSF) should be read as a sign of strength, and what needs to change so survivors can speak up without fear."If the system doesn't see a person, it can't protect them." Isolation as a gateway to abuseSexual exploitation and abuse, he explains, is never about sexuality or desire. In 100% of cases, it is about the abuse of power. A humanitarian crisis already creates a huge gap on its own, between those who hold resources and access to help, and those who have lost everything. Vulnerability is not an inborn trait; it is created by the conditions that society, or a crisis, push people into.To explain the inner block that keeps people silent, he points to an everyday example familiar across Ukraine: the way English used to be taught, with the focus on mistakes and judgement rather than practice. That same shame, moved into the realm of safety and rights, becomes lethal. Fear of stigma or of being rejected by one's own community, for instance, the fear of a person from the LGBTQ+ community that their relatives will turn their backs on them — is, in Vitalii's words, "the best fuel there is for an abuser."Add intersectionality on top, and risk factors do not simply add up; they multiply. An internally displaced person living with a disability who is also part of the LGBTQ+ community faces isolation that climbs steeply. If that person encounters hints of exploitation in exchange for basic help, where do they turn? Are hotlines set up for people who cannot hear or see? That is why, he insists, SEA prevention without real inclusion is a fiction.Prevention built into design, not bolted onOne of the sector's biggest problems is the "silo approach," where each actor, housing, education, and protection digs its own closed tunnel. SEA prevention, he warns, cannot be added to a development programme at the last minute to satisfy a donor; it has to be built into the architecture of a project from the design stage.Wherever resources and new positions of power appear, so do new dependencies. If microbusiness grants or retraining programmes have unclear selection criteria, a single grant manager can end up with sole power over who receives help, creating a direct risk of coercion. If an institutional building is designed without inclusion specialists, the result can be toilets or showers that are not adapted for wheelchair users, forcing a person with a disability to depend on someone else for basic needs. Any forced, unregulated dependency in a crisis, this person says, is a potential opening for abuse.The goal is to make SEA risk assessment as routine as a financial audit, shifting from a "protection in a crisis" mindset to a "safe development" one, where every person knows that a job or social assistance is their right, not a favour owed to whoever manages it. The MSF case: transparency as strengthWhen Doctors without borders (MSF) announced that it had investigated cases of sexual exploitation and abuse within its own organization and dismissed 18 staff, many in the sector read it as a blow to its reputation. But it is actually the opposite.  "When you open the annual report of a big agency that says it works with millions of people in a brutal crisis, and you see the number 'zero violations,' that's not a reason to celebrate. It's a reason to worry."Across a million beneficiaries in extreme conditions, an absolute zero is statistically impossible: either a perfect world has been built, or walls of silence have been built instead, walls that keep survivors' voices from reaching the top. What MSF did, this person argues, was not a reputational crisis but a sign of institutional maturity, proof that its reporting mechanisms genuinely work, and that zero tolerance does not mean the absence of incidents, it means an uncompromising response when they occur. Burnout and the normalization of violenceThe hardest day-to-day challenge in Ukraine is the burnout of the whole system after years of war. Under constant shelling, the mind adapts and attention narrows to survival, which pushes people into "firefighting mode": drop off aid and move on, because there is already a new crisis in the next region.Responding to cases matters, but by the time an investigation opens, the harm is already done. Prevention, by contrast, is the long game, systemic, often invisible, and slow, and it means building a culture in which every humanitarian worker understands that the aid they distribute is not theirs to hand out from a position of power, but a resource people are entitled to. Toward communities, the message has to be repeated constantly: all aid is free, and no one has the right to demand anything in return, no services, no hints at intimacy, no special treatment, not even silence about problems.A national network, not isolated effortsThis work is now moving to a new systemic level. The PSEA Network has rolled out across Ukraine at scale and already counts more than 200 members. It is not just a coordination platform on paper but a locally rooted ecosystem, co-chaired by the Ukrainian Foundation for Public Health together with World Vision International, combining international resources with the expertise of professionals who know each community from the inside.When more than 200 organizations line up behind the same safety standards, Vitalii says; the result is "a dense net of prevention, response, and support", not scattered attempts at protection, but a proper national accountability system.Effective protection from sexual exploitation and abuse requires real inclusion for people with disabilities, minorities and LGBTQ+ communities; development programmes designed from the outset with these risks in mind; institutions willing to investigate and be transparent about wrongdoing, as MSF did; and an approach centred, without compromise, on survivors rather than on any organization's reputation or funding. The question that needs to changeFor the system to work at full strength, this person argues, there has to be a fundamental turn toward a victim-centred approach as an iron rule: the interests, safety and confidentiality of the person who has been exploited come before any organization's interests. No one should have to fight to be believed."In our society, there's still this question that comes up far too often: 'Why did he/she/they stay silent all that time?' Our shared job is to make sure we forget that question for good. Instead, those of us working as PSEA focal points should be asking ourselves every day: what do we have to change in the system today, so that people can speak up openly and honestly, without the slightest fear?”What needs to happen nowUkraine's PSEA Network remains open to humanitarian and development organizations, donors and community groups willing to put this principle into practice. Build SEA risk assessments into every project from the design stage, not as an afterthought; make reporting channels genuinely accessible to people with disabilities and minority communities; and treat openness about wrongdoing, not silence, as the real measure of an organization's integrity.The choice is not between protecting an institution's reputation and protecting survivors. It is between a system that looks safe on paper and one that actually is. Every organization working in Ukraine has a role in building the second kind.

For many micro, small and medium-sized enterprises in Ukraine, recovery begins with practical decisions made every day: keeping production running, retaining staff, reaching customers, adapting to disrupted supply chains, improving a product, entering a new market or testing a new business model.Taken together, these decisions tell a broader story of resilience. According to the Ministry of Economy, Environment and Agriculture of Ukraine, MSMEs account for more than 80 per cent of jobs and two-thirds of the country’s GDP. Their ability to adapt, invest and grow is therefore essential not only to individual livelihoods but also to Ukraine’s economic recovery and long-term competitiveness.The sector's structural weight is set out in Ukraine’s own SME Development Strategy until 2027, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers in August 2024. The Strategy identifies MSMEs as accounting for 99.98 per cent of all business entities in the country and places their recovery, including the green transition, digital transformation and European market integration, at the heart of Ukraine’s economic future. On International MSME Day, marked on 27 June, UNIDO highlights the role of Ukrainian entrepreneurs and enterprises not only as beneficiaries of recovery, but also as active partners in green industrial transformation.Globally, MSMEs are essential to inclusive growth, innovation, job creation and economic resilience. Yet many face persistent barriers, including limited access to finance, difficulties integrating into regional and global value chains, limited capacity to adopt innovation and technology and high vulnerability to external shocks. In Ukraine, these constraints have become even more acute as the war continues to affect production, logistics, energy supply, labour markets and access to investment.UNIDO’s work in Ukraine brings together its global expertise in inclusive and sustainable industrial development with the country’s pressing recovery needs. The UNIDO green industrial recovery programme for Ukraine (2024-2028), co-developed with the Government of Ukraine, aims to support communities, strengthen businesses, attract investment and foster a green economy.For MSMEs, this support takes different forms, depending on their stage of development and specific needs. Some need entrepreneurship training, mentoring or help developing a business plan. Others need to improve compliance with international standards, access investment or find pathways into export markets. A dedicated UNIDO programme, funded by Austria and Bulgaria, is currently helping 300 enterprises in the agri-food, textile and wood-processing sectors adopt practical digital tools from production planning and artificial intelligence applications to traceability and quality management. What they share is a need not for one-off assistance, but for connected support – skills, finance, standards, technology, networks and market access, embedded in stronger local ecosystems. Innovation is one area where Ukrainian MSMEs and startups are already contributing to green industrial recovery. Through the GEF-funded GCIP Ukraine 2.0, implemented by Greencubator NGO as part of the Global Cleantech Innovation Programme, UNIDO supports growth-stage clean technology startups through advanced acceleration, mentorship and networking. The programme helps entrepreneurs refine, validate and scale solutions that respond to both business needs and environmental challenges.These include market-oriented solutions in low-carbon construction, circular materials, sustainable packaging and cleaner logistics. Geodesic.Life, for example, produces prefabricated eco-domes from circular, bio-based materials, while PowerDrive provides electric scooters for delivery services, helping businesses reduce fuel consumption, lower operating costs and cut emissions from urban last-mile delivery. Such examples show that green recovery is not only about reducing environmental impact. It is also about creating products, services and business models that can compete in future markets. For other MSMEs, competitiveness begins with quality, standards and market access. Through the Swiss-funded Global Quality and Standards Programme (GQSP) Ukraine, UNIDO supports Ukrainian berry and nut producers in strengthening compliance with international requirements, improving labelling practices, preparing for export and engaging with global buyers. Participation in major international trade fairs, including Anuga, Fruit Logistica, Gulfood and BIOFACH, has helped companies translate technical knowledge into tangible market exposure.The experiences of Nuts’N’Garden and Food for Thoughts illustrate how targeted capacity development, individual consultations and trade fair engagement can help local producers strengthen product positioning, align with export market requirements and move towards higher-value production and global value chains. For MSMEs, such support can shorten the distance between local production and international markets. UNIDO’s work with MSMEs in Ukraine also extends to regional and local recovery ecosystems, including through cooperation with regional development agencies. Through the Germany-funded project “Green industrial recovery through municipality-based development in Ukraine”, UNIDO supports collaboration among Ukrainian municipalities, MSMEs, regional development actors, German partners and other stakeholders. The project combines investment matchmaking, knowledge exchange and exposure to environmental technologies, helping link local recovery with MSME competitiveness, industrial innovation and integration into European value chains.This local dimension is important because many MSMEs are deeply rooted in their communities. Their growth depends not only on individual business capacity, but also on infrastructure, local partnerships, investment opportunities and the ability of municipalities to create favourable conditions for sustainable economic development.Technology transfer is another important part of this wider picture. Through the Japan-funded project “Green industrial recovery project for Ukraine through technology transfer from and co-creation of new businesses with Japan’s private industries”, UNIDO supports the testing and introduction of advanced technologies and new business models in Ukraine. The initiative covers multiple areas, including agribusiness, circular economy, ICT, energy, MSME productivity enhancement, assistive equipment and telemedicine. The project is expected to help more than 30,000 people in Ukraine gain new skills and enable 47 advanced technologies to be tested, introduced or adopted across priority sectors. Of the 47 technologies selected by UNIDO from Japan, 46 were proposed by Japanese SMEs and startups, underlining how smaller enterprises can contribute to recovery not only as beneficiaries, but also as providers of innovation, practical business models and international partnerships.Entrepreneurship also plays an important role in social reintegration, economic inclusion and community resilience. Through initiatives implemented with the support of the Governments of Austria and Bulgaria, UNIDO has supported women, youth, aspiring entrepreneurs, veterans and their family members with training, mentoring, business development support and access to expert consultations. These efforts help strengthen businesses, improve livelihoods and contribute to local economic recovery. This approach was also reflected at the recent event “Entrepreneurship Development for Green Industrial Recovery in Ukraine: Lviv,” where a dedicated veterans’ business fair showcased enterprises founded by veterans and their family members, demonstrating how entrepreneurship can support job creation and inclusive economic development. The timing of this year’s International MSME Day is particularly relevant. Held in Gdańsk on 25-26 June 2026, just one day before the observance, the Ukraine Recovery Conference 2026 brought together governments, international and financial institutions, businesses, local authorities and civil society to mobilize support for Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery. For MSMEs, this agenda is directly relevant: recovery depends on access to finance, investment-ready projects, stronger local economies, green reconstruction, innovation and alignment with European markets.This is where UNIDO’s work with MSMEs connects to the wider recovery agenda. Green industrial recovery is not only about rebuilding infrastructure or replacing what was lost. It is also about helping enterprises modernize production, improve resource efficiency, adopt new technologies, meet higher standards and reach new markets.Across cleantech innovation, quality infrastructure, export readiness, municipal partnerships, technology transfer and entrepreneurship support, one message is clear: MSMEs are where much of Ukraine’s green industrial recovery becomes practical.They are the companies testing new ideas, improving products, adopting standards, creating jobs, connecting communities to markets and helping rebuild confidence in the future. Their needs are immediate, but their contribution is strategic.On International MSME Day, UNIDO reaffirms its commitment to supporting Ukrainian entrepreneurs and enterprises as partners in recovery – from local business ideas to stronger value chains, from quality and standards to global markets, from technology transfer and investment partnerships to resilience today and a greener industrial future for Ukraine.

“I checked whether there was an air raid alert”, she says. If there was no alert, Mariia would open her laptop and wait for the link to her online lesson. If the air raid siren sounded, classes would be cancelled and the learning materials sent to students for self-study. That has been the reality for hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian children throughout the war.Mariia and Kyrylo attend Kalynivka Lyceum in Ukraine’s Mykolaiv region. They have spent nearly half of their school years not at desks in classrooms, but in front of laptop and phone screens. First came the COVID-19 pandemic, which pushed learning online. Just as students were beginning to return to school, Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. For the first weeks after the invasion, education effectively came to a standstill. “We were completely cut off from our friends, our teachers, from everything,” recalls Mariia. “For two or three weeks, there were no classes at all”.Schools gradually resumed online teaching, but wartime distance learning proved very different from pandemic-era remote education. On an average day, Mariia attended six or seven online lessons. The timetable changed constantly because of power outages and air raid alerts.For Kyrylo, the war brought another challenge: his family evacuated to the Czech Republic. There, he attended a local school but remained enrolled at his home lyceum in Ukraine. “I had homework and tests from both the Czech and the Ukrainian schools. It was challenging, to say the least,” Kyrylo says. Both students acknowledge that online learning has its advantages. It allows one to study from anywhere in the world, quickly find information online, and use AI to help explain difficult topics.Yet this convenience comes with significant drawbacks. Many students have grown accustomed to an environment where it is easier to avoid active participation, rely on internet searches, and use AI tools to complete assignments. After several years of learning this way, some worry that returning to the classroom may expose gaps in their knowledge and affect their academic performance.Even so, Kyrylo has no doubts about what he prefers. “In-person learning is much better. When I studied in the classroom, I learned far more than I do online”.  The online format has changed more than just the quality of education: it has altered childhood itself. Instead of running through school corridors, students spend breaks on their phones. Instead of gathering with friends, they connect through video calls.“I stay in touch with my friends as best I can,” says Mariia, “but it’s not the same kind of close interaction”.
Before the war, Kyrylo played football. After the invasion, his club shut down and training stopped. “That’s how I ended up giving up football”, he says.The impact extends beyond students. Before the war, children went to school while parents worked or managed other responsibilities. Today, many adults – particularly mothers –  stay at home to supervise their children’s learning and adapt to constantly changing schedules.Despite the challenges, both teenagers continue to look ahead. Mariia dreams of becoming a journalist: “I want to travel around different parts of Ukraine, listen to people’s stories, and interview them”.Kyrylo plans to attend college and study electrical engineering and electromechanics, following in his father’s footsteps.In May this year, a new radiation-protection shelter was completed at their lyceum by UNOPS with funding from Denmark. The shelter will allow students to return to full-time, in-person learning this September. Now, if an air raid alert sounds during lessons, students and staff will move to a safe underground space and continue learning without interruption.“It will be easier for us because we’ll be able to see our classmates and teachers in person instead of just looking at a screen”, says Mariia.The shelter was completed just before summer. Among the first events it hosted were end-of-year celebrations and graduation ceremonies. For the first time since the start of the full-scale invasion, graduation festivities were held in their traditional format, with dancing, food, and face-to-face interactions. For a whole generation of Ukrainian students whose childhood has unfolded between a pandemic and a war, returning to the classroom means more than returning to school. It means returning to friends, shared memories, and, ultimately, to a sense of normal life.About the projectThe construction of school shelters is only one component of the “ Restoring communities in Mykolaiv” project implemented by UNOPS with funding from the Government of Denmark. Following a needs and damage assessment conducted in close cooperation with local authorities in the city of Mykolaiv and the surrounding region, the project is working to address urgent needs while creating conditions for the long-term recovery of local communities. Its activities include repairing apartment buildings and their surrounding areas, reconstructing and building underground school shelters, and stabilizing the historic Arkas Lyceum building in downtown Mykolaiv, a renowned educational institution and cultural heritage site that was damaged by a missile strike.

War and displacement in Ukraine have affected men and women differently, particularly through increased economic insecurity for women, expanded unpaid care responsibilities, greater community survival roles, and reduced participation in decision-making and peace negotiations. While the conflict affects both women and men, it has generated gender-specific structural barriers that reshape economic, political, and social norms. At the same time, women have assumed expanded roles in community leadership, humanitarian response, and local governance, highlighting both the unequal burdens of war and women’s critical contributions to resilience and recovery. Women and children represent around 76% of the 5.9 million refugees globally who have fled Ukraine. Around 56% of the 4 million internally displaced persons are women.Women’s participation in the Armed Forces of Ukraine has grown substantially in recent years. According to the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, more than 70,000 women currently serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, including over 5,500 serving on the front line. While this reflects a significant expansion of women’s military participation, gender-sensitive reintegration measures remain insufficient. Female veterans continue to face barriers regarding  access to  childcare especially after demobilization, psychosocial support, and employment, with limited integration of gender-responsive practices across national reintegration frameworks. Women are keeping society together during the war.Women have long played a vital role in Ukraine’s political and civic life, and during the war they have become central actors in community volunteerism and resilience.They contribute to security, humanitarian response, economy, and community recovery, often leading grassroots organizations, civil society groups, and volunteer networks.Yet their participation in strategic decision-making remains limited. The creation of Military-Civil Administrations reshaped governance, but only two women lead a regional administration among 24 oblasts (Ivano-Frankivsk and Vinnytsia). Governance has become more centralized, limiting space for gender-responsive and balanced leadership. Women’s hard-won representation may face risks because of the war.Before the full-scale invasion, Ukraine made significant progress in women’s political representation. The introduction of mandatory gender quotas contributed to a substantial increase in women's representation in local government. Following the 2020 local elections, women accounted for approximately 36 per cent of elected local council members, compared to around 15 per cent in oblast councils in 2015. Women's representation reached 28.4 per cent in oblast councils and 33.8 per cent in rayon councils, while between one-third and two-fifths of community council members were women. However, women remained significantly underrepresented in executive local leadership positions, comprising fewer than 10 per cent of elected mayors.At the national level today:21% of MPs are women  25% of the executive branch are women  Only 4 out of 16 ministers are women, including a woman Prime Minister  However, since the full-scale invasion, many of these gains have stalled or are at risk of reversal due to increased unpaid care work, new roles women have gained in the community as first responders and volunteers, migration abroad, and displacement from temporarily occupied territories. Invisible Barriers to Women’s Political ParticipationWomen’s political participation is constrained by a combination of war-related pressures and structural gender inequality.Women’s war time leadership should be fully recognized and promoted. While women are actively participating in voluntarism, community recovery, and social assistance, they are less represented in key decision-making roles, especially at the regional level in senior leadership and decision-making positions. The war has intensified traditional gender norms, creating a more masculinized environment where women may find it difficult to increase political representation without special measures and  conducive environment for better inclusion.  Care burdens and psychological exhaustionIncreased unpaid care work, displacement, migration, and trauma impact women’s participation in political life. Many women have taken on more social and domestic care roles during the war, stayed in their communities—especially in frontline cities and hromadas—and continue leading cities and communities, supporting recovery, and sustaining essential services despite immense security challenges brought by the war. Women’s local community-level leadership needs to be translated into political leadership.Ensuring Refugee Women’s Equal  Participation in Decision-making During Post-War ElectionsWith women and children forming the majority of refugees, political inclusion is central to Ukraine’s future post-war elections and recovery.One of the key risks of Ukraine’s post-war elections is the risk for declining political participation of women especially refugees,  internally displaced and vulnerable women such as survivors of war crimes. Although women constitute the majority of Ukrainians  displaced abroad by the war , residency requirements, insuficiant out-of-country voting mechanisms, and limited enforcement of gender quotas may significantly reduce their ability to vote, run as candidates, and eventually influence political decision-making and inclusivity of post war elections. At the same time, the growing militarization of the political environment and dominance of male-led security structures risk further sidelining women’s representation and influence on inclusive recovery and democratic governance.  Guaranteeing political rights for refugee women is essential not only for democratic processes, equality and inclusion but also for sustainable return, human capital recovery, and long-term national resilience.No Elections During WarA significant milestone in advancing women’s political participation was the adoption of Ukraine’s Electoral Code in 2019, which introduced mandatory gender quotas for electoral party lists. The reform requires that at least two candidates of each gender be included in every five positions on party lists, helping to promote more balanced representation of women and men in elected office.Elections remain suspended under martial law. Public opinion strongly supports no elections during the war:69% believe that elections should be held only after a final peace agreement and a complete end to the war  (KIIS, 2026).  Civil society has warned that wartime elections would be “extremely dangerous.”Key operational and complex challenges include security guarantees, temporarily occupied territories, out-of-country voting, voting by IDPs, and military personnel. Challenges to Sustaining Women's Political ParticipationPublic support for women’s participation in political and public life in Ukraine has grown in recent years, accompanied by important reforms aimed at strengthening women’s representation in elected office and decision-making. However, significant challenges remain, including persistent gender stereotypes, barriers to political leadership, unequal access to decision-making positions, and the disproportionate impact of the war on women’s participation in public life. Despite notable progress, achieving gender-balanced representation will require sustained commitment from institutions, political parties, and society as a whole.International evidence shows that women’s political participation often declines after conflict, as attention shifts from inclusion to reconstruction.For Ukraine, risks include:Increasing masculinization of political life including political party policies and campaigning  Prevalence of gender stereotypes and social norms detrimental to women’s equal and full political participation and representation  Exclusion of women from recovery processes and transitional governance  Absence of women at negotiation teams and their participation in peace processes  Building Gender-Responsive GovernanceTo safeguard democratic inclusion, key actions are urgently needed:Strengthen women’s leadership pipelines through training and mentorship  Fully enforce gender quotas at all governance levels  Improve institutional and financial support for women politicians  Combat sexism, harassment, online violence and discrimination in political parties  Implement gender-responsive budgeting  Guarantee inclusive electoral reform, including protections for refugee women candidates  Ensure women’s participation in transition, governance and peacebuilding processes  Conclusion: Inclusion Cannot Wait Until After the WarWomen have been essential to Ukraine’s resilience and demonstrated a  war-time leadership, yet their political space is narrowing at a critical moment.Without special measures and targeted action and a whole society approach, there is a real risk that post-war reconstruction will deepen existing gender inequalities in political agency and exclude those who have sustained society throughout the war and displacement. Ensuring women’s full and equal participation is therefore not optional but fundamental to Ukraine’s democratic governance, future post-war elections, recovery and sustainable peace.  It requires immediate commitment from national institutions, political actors, media and international partners to integrate gender equality and non-discrimination as primary pillars across all recovery, governance, and electoral processes now rather than after the war ends.